How do Malaysian courts manage to defy UMNO?

Last week, I asked how and why Malaysia’s High Court ruled against the government and allowed the Herald to use the word “Allah” in its publication. After all, Malaysia’s political elites are known to exert influence over judges, especially for politically-sensitive cases. The answer: it didn’t. According to The Straits Times, the High Court suspended its decision pending an appeal to the Court of Appeals.

This sounds a bit more like the Malaysia I know. The elites exert the greatest influence over the higher courts. This happens in courts in other competitive authoritarian systems. It is much cheaper and less difficult to monitor and influence a small group of senior justices than try to control the entire judiciary. Furthermore, judicial appeal to the highest court serves as a signaling device, telling political elites that those are the most controversial cases. Malaysia’s elites seem to use this model, generally not interfering with lower cases but making sure the senior ranks of the judiciary remain loyal.

I’ll post another entry as soon as the Court of Appeals makes its decision. In the meantime, I think it’s fair to predict that the Court of Appeals will reverse the High Court’s decision.

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Can Catholics pray to Allah?

While at first this question might sound more appropriate for a theological seminar than a legal blog, it actually does raise some constitutional implications. On New Year’s Eve, the Malaysian High Court struck down a government ban on non-Muslims using the word “Allah” to describe God. In 2007, the government had suspended the Catholic Church’s Herald after it used the word. I’d like to read the final opinion to better understand the constitutional reasoning (it’s not yet posted on the Malaysian Judiciary website), but, given the country’s history with blasphemy cases, including a threat to sue the Malaysian Bar for using the word “Allah” on its website, this is an interesting development indeed. I’d also be particularly interested in learning how or why the court felt empowered enough to challenge the ban, especially given the judiciary’s historic reluctance to expand constitution rights (see my earlier post discussing administrative law in Asia).

Anyway, Rule by Hukum wishes you all a Happy New Year. Thank you for joining us for our first few months on the web. Next year will surely have many new and exciting developments in the Southeast Asian legal world, and I’ll try to cover at least some of them.

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China, ASEAN issue joint statement on legal assistance

According to Xinhua, late last month, China and ASEAN issued a joint statement declaring their intent to cooperate in the fight against organized crime. The statement came out of the China-ASEAN Prosecutors-General Conference, established in 2004 to provide prosecutors a regional forum to discuss mutual legal cooperation.

While the statement itself isn’t revolutionary, it could well be harbinger of changes to come. Some Western law and development specialists are already speculating that the emergence of China could change the rules of the game. Indeed, Western law and development assistance often comes with strings attached, whether a new institution or liberal ideology. China could offer legal assistance to non-democratic countries that seek to professionalize their services but have not desire to unleash an activist court. Indeed, in China the capacity and professionalism of judges has risen markably since Deng Xiaoping’s reforms in the early 1980s, but the Communist Party has retained effective political control over courts (indeed, China was criticized last year for appointing a party apparatchik as Chief Justice). For other countries in the region, including Burma and Vietnam, this combination might sound much more attractive than the American Bar Association’s Rule of Law Initiative.

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Filed under asean, China

Christmas thoughts and the rule of law

Sadly, while the rest of the world celebrates Christmas, the Vietnamese charged Vietnamese lawyer Le Cong Dinh with working to overthrow the state. I also noticed that a leading Chinese dissident, Liu Xiaobo, was jailed for 11 years following a sham trial. It is legal activists like Le Cong Dinh and Liu Xiaobo who are the key ingredient in promoting the rule of law in Asia. All too often, they end up suffering for their beliefs. However, if we can take a moment to remember them this Christmas and recognize their efforts, we will have granted them a small victory.

“Rule by Hukum” wishes you all the best this Christmas and a great New Year!

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Crashing a Party for Filipino Migrants

The Philippine Supreme Court recently dismissed a petition by the Migrante Sectoral Party to join the partylist candidates for the 2010 elections. The “partylist” parties are intended to represent minority or marginalized interests, such as women and ethnic minorities. There is some dispute as to what that actually means in practice. However, Migrante Sectoral Party claimed to represent a very important and vastly underrepresented constituency – the estimated 12 million Overseas Foreign Workers. These Filipinos appear to be more interested in political reform and economic advancement than domestic Filipinos, yet they are far less likely to vote in elections. 

I honestly don’t know how much support the Migrante Sectoral Party has among OFWs. It seems to have done rather poorly in the last two elections. Nonetheless, this case raises an interesting issue. Typically, the Philippine Supreme Court has supported progressive and minority causes. In past cases, it has supported the expansion of the partylist rolls, even when it led to odd results. So why did the Court reject Migrante Sectoral Party’s petition? Migrante Sectoral Party seems to have had an exceptionally weak case. 
However, it would be interesting to determine whether the fact that the party represented overseas stakeholders rather than domestic interests. To what extent does this matter? There is some political science research regarding foreign litigants in U.S. courts, but it remains inconclusive. Some researchers have concluded that U.S. judges and juries are more likely to rule against foreign litigants in patent and corporate cases. However, a more comprehensive study finds no correlation between the litigant’s nationality and success in U.S. courts. As such, there’s not enough evidence yet to make wider conclusions about foreigners in courts – this remains a great area for future research.
You can read more about the decision here.

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